Foreign-born population soars to new record under Biden; highest rate of immigrants since 1910
The U.S. has had a massive surge in immigration this year, with as many as 1.5 million newcomers and a record 46.2 million foreign-born people, according to a report for the Center for Immigration Studies.
After a deep trough last year, likely because of the COVID-19 pandemic and the travel and migration restrictions imposed to control the spread, the flow of people rebounded around the time President Biden was elected.
In numbers never seen before, they are coming legally through airports and land border crossings and illegally across the Rio Grande and remote regions of Arizona and California.
“There was pent-up demand for legal immigration, and illegal immigration has exploded in one of the greatest surges, if not the greatest, we’ve ever seen,” said Steven A. Camarota, the demographer who was the chief author of the report. “It’s driving the numbers up and up and up.”
As it stands, 14.2% of the U.S. population is foreign-born, or 1 out of every 7 people. That is the highest rate of immigrants in the population since 1910, when the number was 14.7%. At current trends, the government says, the U.S. will break that record well before the end of this decade.
Those numbers are even starker given the reversal of trends.
The data showed a drop of 1.2 million immigrants from February to September 2020, likely the result of coronavirus restrictions blocking new entrants, even as outmigration continued. That left the population of the foreign-born — the Census Bureau’s term — at 43.8 million.
It was up to 45 million by January and marched steadily to the current 46.2 million total shown for last month.
In the year after President Trump’s election, the immigrant population flattened.
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Salvation Army’s Internal Survey Suggests Only Whites Are Racist
“I Took The Salvation Army’s Internal Survey On ‘Racism’ Within The Organization. Here’s What I Discovered.”
The Salvation Army has recently come under significant fire for asking white donors to “offer a sincere apology” for racism. The nearly 150-year old organization created a curriculum entitled “Let’s Talk About Racism” and shared it with its members, along with associated DEI Trainings that cite and draw from Robin DiAngelo and Ibram X. Kendi’s work. The packet argues that Christians should “stop trying to be ‘colorblind’” and that they should apologize for being “antagonistic.. to black people or the culture, values and interests of the black community.” In response, donors by the thousands have vowed not to donate until the organization reverses their stance.
The Salvation Army has denied any wrongdoing, defiantly calling the allegations that they have gone woke “false.” While they admit that the topic of race in America can be fraught with controversy, they have denied they have “gone woke.” Much of their denial centers around their claim that use of the guide was completely voluntary, and that they are not peddling critical race narratives in their organization.
I obtained a copy of The Salvation Army’s internal survey on “racism within the Salvation Army” and tested that claim.
One Salvation Army officer reached out on condition of anonymity to Color Us United, the raceblind advocacy organization which I run, to reveal an internal survey he was asked to take. It was not a voluntary survey, and was sent by the Territorial Diversity and Inclusion Secretary to every Salvation Army Officer in the US Central Territory. The purpose of the survey, according to an email from the “Territorial Racial Diversity and Inclusion Secretary,” was “to better understand perception of institutional racial bias within The Salvation Army.” The accompanying email stated that there was no “preconceived idea” with regard to whether or not racism existed in The Salvation Army, and told recipients that there were no wrong answers.
I sat down and went through the questions.
First, Questions #1, #2, and #3 asked me for my race, age, and gender. I could not skip these questions. Already, I felt uncomfortable being required to list my personal attributes. If I was an officer, I would be wondering: how could this information be used against me in the future? (They did promise anonymity in this survey.)
The survey then asks Salvationists if they agree with the following definition of racism: “Institutional racism refers to organizational or system processes, behaviors, policies, or procedures, which produce negative outcomes for nonwhites relative to those for whites.” The remaining questions in the survey are dependent upon agreeing to this definition of racism. For any Officer or Soldier who disagrees with this framing, there is no way to express any disagreement or nuance apart from plainly saying that racism does not exist.
Question #6 goes on to ask the survey taker whether they believe there is any institutional bias or racism in The Salvation Army. Question #7 says: “If you answered no to question #6, do you think others in The Salvation Army think there are racial tensions or institutional racism?” The purpose of these questions, I started to feel, was to force the survey taker to admit that The Salvation Army is institutionally racist according to their definition of racism. There is no room for any Officer to elaborate on how they disagree with the definitions, framing, or worldview informing the questions.
The final question asks: “What is the best way to address Racism in The Salvation Army?” The answer options are: “individual reconciliation,” “group reconciliation,” “addressing structures and practices that cause racism,” “all of the above,” or “other.” Note that there is no option for the survey taker to simply say that racism is not a problem in The Salvation Army. The survey (which according to the email, was “intended to go to all the officers within your division, employees, and soldiers” for the Central Territory) simply assumes that racism is present in the organization.
Going through the survey, it became apparent that the survey was attempting to lead me to making only one conclusion about The Salvation Army – that it harbored problematic racism.
This belief is one of the core tenets of critical race theory. Critical race theorists teach that racism is ubiquitous in all aspects of American life. They also teach that it works systemically; that is, by being ingrained in the systems and institutions that operate in society. Their primary evidence of the system being racist is the reality that individuals from different demographics have different life outcomes on average, without taking into account any variables that might impact said life outcomes apart from the color of their skin. All of these concepts are reflected in The Salvation Army’s survey.
Any officer who believes in individualism, colorblindness, and meritocracy will be unable to answer any of the survey questions in good faith. Any officer who believes that The Salvation Army is not a racist organization would not be able to answer these questions in good faith either. Many (if not most) Americans believe that racism is primarily an issue of individuals who harbor feelings of hate against those of other races, not a society-wide conspiracy as alleged by antiracist activists. This survey totally excludes the colorblind perspective from the conversation and forces Officers and other Salvationists into a critical race theory-informed box.
Anti-Trump Lincoln Project Donors Are Bankrolling Liz Cheney
Wyoming Republican Rep. Liz Cheney raked in almost $55,000 from the same donors who fund the Lincoln Project, according to a Federalist analysis of public finance records.
After cementing a perpetual feud with former President Donald Trump and Republican voters as a hallmark of her legacy in the lower chamber, Cheney’s goals now seem indistinguishable from those of the super PAC cloaking Democrat attacks as Republican. The shared donor base makes that clear.
According to receipts dated in August by the Federal Election Commission (FEC), Silicon Valley investor Ron Conway, a “top donor” to the Lincoln Project, gave Cheney and related campaign committees $21,600.
Billionaire John Pritzker, who has given at least $100,000 to the Lincoln Project, according to Forbes, also gave Cheney $21,600.
As Cheney faces a competitive primary from Trump-endorsed attorney Harriet Hageman next year, three more prime billionaire donors of the Lincoln Project also jumped in to help fund Cheney’s re-election battle, including Martha Karsh, Stephen Mandel, and Christy Walton. Karsh donated $5,800 in May, while Mandel gave $2,900 and Walton gave $2,800 in March. While FEC receipts show Karsh with a -$2,900 transaction listed with her name, an FEC spokesman told The Federalist the money was merely reallocated to the general election fund, which the records also indicate.
Mandel was identified by Forbes in the summer of 2020 as the Lincoln Project’s “largest donor,” giving the group a seven-figure sum to take down President Trump and reclaim a Democrat majority in the Senate. Karsh gave the operatives at least $50,000 to aid the effort, and Walton donated $30,000.
Since January, Cheney and the Lincoln Project have joined forces to exploit the riot at the Capitol as an instrument for vengeance against Trump and Republican voters, branding the episode of political unrest as the “worst attack” on American democracy in decades. The Lincoln Project released an ad over the summer characterizing the three-hour riot as an “act of terror” worse than the al-Qaeda attacks on 9/11, which claimed 3,000 lives.
Cheney has gone as far as to claim the Capitol riot was “the most serious attack on our Capitol since 1814,” glossing over the 1954 raid by Puerto Rican nationalists who shot five congressmen, the 1983 Senate bombing by left-wing militants granted clemency by Democrats, and the al-Qaeda terrorists who flew a plane into the Pentagon on 9/11. Never mind the summer of rage that routinely swept the nation’s capital just last year, burning a historic church across from the White House in the process.
Now serving as Democrat-appointed vice-chair of the House Select Committee on January 6th, targeting private citizens who exercised their right to protest, Cheney’s crusade against Trump and Republican voters has become her legacy, just as the Lincoln Project’s.